Had Suffolk been polled shortly after Elizabeth’s accession for or against the Reformation, there is reason to believe that there would have been a majority in the negative. So at least thought the author of the “Distresses of the Commonwealth”, whom Froude is inclined to identify with one Armigil Wade, an official of the reign of Henry VIII. The influence of the clergy was still great, and many of the older men had been nominated by abbeys and priories before the Dissolution. More were in some way connected with lords of manors, and by these two classes the Edwardian changes had been sulkily accepted, and the Marian reaction hailed with joy. Sulyerdes, Bedingfelds, Kenes, Rokewodes, and the like, refused to recognise the new order of things, and fared as best they might. In many cases their tenants and dependents felt with them at first, but became more easily reconciled to the inevitable. Much depended on local circumstances. This, however, is pretty clear from the registers: that after a little while children were brought to the font, couples united in matrimony, and corpses buried in undiminished numbers, all being done according to the Elizabethan Book of Common Prayer. For a year and three-quarters East Anglia was without a bishop. Benefices fell vacant, and so remained. In these vacancies much disorder prevailed. Throughout Suffolk there had been no confirmations and no episcopal visitation. Greedy landowners began to lay their hands on what had been left of Church furniture by official rapacity. The almsgiving of the monasteries had disappeared, in some respects a loss not to be deplored, but to the aged and helpless a great privation. The poor are the first to suffer and the last to gain by change, whether in Church or in State.
Queen Mary died on November 17, 1558 – Cardinal Pole only survived her two days, and before the month was out Bishop Hopton had also left this world. He is spoken of as probably born at Mirfield, Yorkshire100, but certainly bore the same arms as those of the Suffolk Hoptons. The Dominicans claim him as of their fraternity. When Mary was at Kenninghall in 1549, he was her chaplain, and had proved compliant about the prohibition of the missal. We have seen, however, his severity when in office, and his end was probably accelerated by anticipation of reprisals. In 1560 John Parkhurst, of Merton College, Oxford, a native of Guildford, succeeded to the chair of Felix the Burgundian, Stigand, the saintly Walter de Suffield, and the pugnacious Henry Spencer. As a proof of the chaos in which he found his diocese, Strype says that in the archdeaconry of Suffolk there were in 1561 a hundred and thirty parishes more or less destitute of a resident clergyman. Parkhurst had passed through a severe apprenticeship. During the late reign he was in exile, chiefly at Zurich, where he lived in close intercourse with the Swiss reformers of the day. On his return he became Rector of Bishop’s Cleve, in Gloucestershire, where he seems to have been a little king. Nolo episcopari was with him a genuine sentiment. As the Puritan troubles in Suffolk begin in his time, and must perforce occupy our attention, it becomes necessary for me to preface my notice of them with an avowal of my incapacity to deal with the appalling complication which confronts me and demands some expression of feeling. There ought to be some mean between the barren registration of things said and done and the highly-coloured narrative put together for a purpose which it probably fulfils.
The first requisite is to put aside partisanship, to look as far as possible at Anglican matters from a Puritan point of view, and at Puritan matters from an Anglican point of view. Without at least attempting this, it were better to pass over the period in mute despair. Three long, active, busy centuries have rolled away since the beginning of these troubles, and the battle of opinion rages as hotly as ever. A softened feeling, indeed, prevails to produce toleration and to keep alive the mouldering embers of comprehension, yet the terrible legacy of the awful Church struggle of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries is ours in the nineteenth, and will be our children’s in the twentieth. And people read what they wish to read, what they ” like”, what they can painlessly assimilate, and thus see what they wish to see and ignore the rest. No wonder that there is no reciprocal approach when hardly any recognise even that limits exist to confine the highest ideals of government, of ceremonial, of rules for the ordering of daily life, within the range of things possible and practicable in this changeful and uncertain world. Truly, neither of the chief contending parties would have allowed such heretical laxity. Episcopacy and presbytery were each of Divine origin, jure divino.
And in a sense each was right. Oversight is Divine, and counsel is Divine. Continuity, too, has a strong claim on human respect. The intertwining of the three would not have been quickly broken. But in Switzerland there had been severe tension, terminating in a snap, and yet faith had not become extinct. This Parkhurst had witnessed, and his affectionate remembrances of his Zurich friends doubtless generated that dealing with Suffolk disciples of Calvin which brought on him the censure of higher authorities.
“Queen Elizabeth”, says Strype, “was at Ipswich, July 17th, 1561. Here her Majesty took a great dislike to the imprudent behaviour of many of the ministers and readers, there being many weak ones amongst them, and little or no order observed in the public service, and few or none wearing the surplice. And the Bishop of Norwich was thought remiss, and that he winked at schismatics. But more particularly was she offended with the clergy’s marriage; and that in cathedrals and colleges there were so many wives and widows and children seen, which she said was contrary to the intent of the founders, and so much tending to the interruption of the studies of those who were placed there. Therefore she issued an order to all dignitaries, dated August 9th, at Ipswich, to forbid all women to the lodgings of cathedrals or colleges, and that upon pain of losing their ecclesiastical promotions”.
I may be pardoned for pointing out what will have occurred to many who have studied East Anglian peculiarities, that neither oversight nor counsel had shown much of their salutary presence in Suffolk. A huge, unwieldy diocese, not quite rivalling the impossibilities of Lincoln and Lichfield, but extending from Happisburgh to Camps in Cambridgeshire, had caused confirmations to be performed at roadside stoppages, whenever “busshope doe come about country”. That personal contact and dutiful regard which is -the very life and soul of episcopal government was not strengthened, as at Lincoln and Lichfield, by the wholesome institution of local prebendal stalls, whereby somewhat of local want could make itself more readily known to the ecclesiastical authorities in the cathedral city; and thus counsel had not come to the help of the Bishop. Had it not been for action beyond rule, the very name of the Saviour might have become unknown. The Suffolk gentry, many of them, were awake to this, as we find from the case of a preacher named Lawrence, about whom this dutiful letter was written to Archbishop Parker, October 27, 1567:
Sir Robert Wingfield and others to Archbishop Parker.
Our humble commendations and duties remembered unto your grace. Great necessity doth occasion us to write unto you for one Master Lawrence, a late preacher, of whom we have good experience both for his modesty, faultless life, and sound doctrine; who hath been well exercised amongst us this five or six years with great diligence. He commonly preached twice every Sunday; and many times on the working days if there chanced any marriages or funerals: and that he did of his own charge, never taking anything, as his enemies cannot accuse him neither of that nor yet of anything else justly worthy of reproach. And so we testified unto your grace’s visitors, and desired them that he might continue his preaching still, for we knew very well that we should have great need of him. And now we see it more evident, for here is not one preacher in a great circuit, viz., from Blythburgh to Ipswich, which is twenty miles distant and ten miles in breadth along by the seacoast; in the which circuit he was wont to travel.
Thus we have thought good to certify your grace of the necessity of our country, and the diligence and good behaviour of this man, trusting that your grace will either restore him again, or else send us some other in his room, the which we most heartily desire, commending the same to Almighty God, who preserve your grace. Dated the 27th of October, Ao 1567. Your grace’s to command:-
Robert Wingfeld. Wyllyam Canndysh.
Wym Hopton. Thomas Felton.
Thomas Colbyn, of Beckles.
This petition seems to have been more favourably received than most of the same nature, for when Canterbury and Norwich once more experienced simultaneous vacancy, in 1575, Bishop Freke found Mr. Lawrence still an admired preacher, and suspended him for not complying with the rites and ceremonies of the Church of England. This time Mr. Calthorp petitioned Burghley, who replied by a little gentle pressure on the Bishop, who referred the Lord Treasurer to the Queen’s letter. This reference was final, and Lawrence remained silenced. These difficulties and the like, serious as they were, did not prevent Church work from thriving. Matters had begun to assume a more settled and healthy aspect during the later years of Parkhurst’s episcopate – -at least, so far as we can judge from written evidence.
We have no record of Confirmations, but if an inference may be drawn from the amount of wine required at the great festivals, there must have been large assemblies of communicants. Preaching, neglected as we have seen it, maintained its importance and its length whenever a preacher’s voice was heard.
Controversy is apt to thrust philanthropy to the wall, and the sad history of a poor little boy on the tramp comes to us from the Metfield register. The nip of winter is probably felt in the post-Lucan October weather. The hand of death is on the child as he comes into the place, and he is hastily buried, not without dread of infection.
The xxjti of October for the yere of or Lord God 1576 one Nicholas Snowdon of the age of Ayght or x yeres as it is supposed beinge browght to this p’ishe by the inhabitants of mendham by vertue of a passpote (sic) directed from Thomas ffuller and Oliver Tompson cunstables of Harlston to be conducted to Sowthwold where he was borne as he make reporte. And as it appeare by his said passporte, was buried in this p’ishe of Metfeld the xxijti daie of the saide month of October, 1576.
Difficulties arose earlier in the towns, from conceit or from enlightenment, according to the view of him who reads the past.
The Prayer-Book was a remnant of Popery; it was stained with superstition and steeped in error, or, to take a less rigorous view, was formal and ineffective. So said and felt the Puritan. On the other hand, the Churchmen deeply resented these imputations. They rebutted the charge of superstition, and showed that, if their use of words was erroneous, it was such as had obtained all along the line of Church history. Formalism and ineffectiveness were things which were not excluded by the abolition of a liturgy. These irreconcilable views brought much heat and little light. Ecclesiastical insolubilities have to engender a still more acute pain in the body politic in the seventeenth century.
Recusancy was a standing cause of danger. Apparitors and constables had a busy time of it, hunting up and down the country for Roman reactionaries as well as vestment-hating progressives. Mrs. Freke, odious as her very existence must have been to the Queen, was shrewdly suspected of conniving at the former. It would have been a fine thing to hear Elizabeth’s opinion of this lady.. But the Bishop had to go forward with his work, whether his wife liked it or not. In 1584 he was translated to Worcester, and succeeded at Norwich by Dr. Edmund Scambler, Bishop of Peterborough, who, having ministered in Mary’s reign, at the hazard of his life, to a little congregation in London, was in greater antagonism to Rome. The rapid course of events-the plots against Elizabeth, the execution of Mary, Queen of Scots, and, above all, the threatened invasion of England-caused the recusants on the whole to keep as quiet as possible. Many outwardly conformed, no doubt, perhaps by dispensation, perhaps in hope of pardon when the time s should have changed. Many genuinely threw themselves into the martial movement which pervaded the whole of. England when it became clear that to escape the Spanish yoke the nation must rise as one man. Lord Howard of Effingham had many of his, the loyal and patriotic Roman Catholic, type within the borders of our county.
Suffolk was regarded as an especially vulnerable part, and Suffolk was not behindhand in preparation against the day of trial. The nautical and amphibious element abounds in East Suffolk, and no love was lost between this class and the Spaniards. So the parishes cheerfully bore the charges incurred in putting armour in order, drilling and quartering soldiers and the like. We learn from the Cratfield parish-book that there was a great muster at Beccles on February 29 in the Armada year. This little parish paid 23s. 7d. at that time “for part of the charges of the trayned sougers, and other charges for mete and drynke, and for our [the churchwardens’] horse mete”. The caliver cost 16d. to carry to Beccles, and another was bought for 15s. to supply its place. The armour items show that a wholesome desire to turn out the parish soldier in style existed in the parish authorities. Such necessaries as a headpiece for 5s., two long girdles for 11d., and four crampets the transverse guard of a sword for protection to the hand, might have been expected; but ornament was not wanting – red cotton and fringe for pikes, gray thread and”ij yards of yellowe sylke lace”, show that those externals which under all circumstances have a cheering effect on humanity were not omitted. The peculiarity of breeches must not be passed over, for the parish spent 8d. for “a yarde of beryng lynyng”, this “bearing” substance being that which effected the marvellous form of the Elizabethan farthingale, and was here used for an analogous purpose in male attire. Training at Dunwich and “Laystof” cost the village 3s. and 12s. respectively. The constables received £3 10s. 8d. for the soldiers” coats, 18s- 3d.”for the settynge forth of the sowldyers”, and for the charge of them at Snape, 20s. These items may be taken as types of similar ones all over the county, and show us the manner of carrying out the well-known instructions:-
The trained soldiers of those shires, which lay near the sea-coast, had orders to defend those places, and be ready at the alarm to hinder the enemy from landing; but if he did land, then to spoil the country round about that he might find no food; and by continual crying, “Arm! Arm!” give the enemy no rest, but yet should not give battle, till good store of commanders were come together.
When the French Republic, after an interval of two centuries, threatened our isles, Mr. Bruce was directed to search the public records and report on the measures taken by the Queen’s advisers in 1588. It appears that inquiries had been made by Burghley six years earlier with regard to ships, that Ipswich had eight of 100 tons, Orford one of 140 tons, and Southwold three, from 140 to 170 tons. Fourteen more between 100 and 80 tons are registered, six from Ipswich, four from Aldeburgh, two from Southwold, and two from Lowestoft, and of hoys, etc., down to 14 tons, twelve from Ipswich, six from Woodbridge, six from Orford, four from Aldeburgh, ten from Dunwich, five from Walberswick, ten from Southwold, and six from Lowestoft. The masters and men in the county were 98 and 1,184. In 1588 we find from Ipswich the Catharine (Thos. Grymble) and the William (Barnabie Lowe) serving under Lord Henry Seymour. Our county stands well in respect of the loan made to her Majesty in this year, the order being, first Kent, then Sussex, Essex, Yorkshire, Suffolk; and the sums £5,025, £4,535, £4,125, £3,692, £3,625, there being thus only £67 less raised in Suffolk than in the greatest county in England.
Whatever amount of fact may be wanting to Macaulay’s brilliant lines:
From Eddystone to Berwick bounds, from Lynn to Milford Bay,
That time of slumber was as bright and busy as the day,
and the Eschylean description of the war-flame:
Till broad and fierce the star shone forth from Ely’s sacred fame,
And tower and hamlet rose in arms o’er all the boundless plain;
none can fail to appreciate them.
It was on July 29 that the main action took place off Calais and Gravelines, after which disastrous laceration the remnants of the conquered Invincibles betook them to the German Ocean to work their way home, if they might.
Among the State records is a letter addressed to Sir Francis Walsingham, her Majesty’s Principal Secretary, by Sir William Wynter, “written aboard the Vanguard in Harwich Roads, the first of August, 1588, at 7 of the clock at night”. It gives an account of Lord Henry Seymour’s movements while seeking to come up with the Spanish Fleet, and towards the close of the letter occurs the following:
The 31st day we had the wind S.S.W., and we reached as high as Badsey [Bawdsey] Cliff; there we were obliged to anchor in the sea, with very much wind upon the ebb, about 3 o’clock in the afternoon, and so continued all that day and the night following. The 1st of August, as we were weighing anchor to windward, the Lord Henry Seymour sent the pinnace called the Delight and ordered us to go round to Harwich to take in our provisions. And about 1 o’clock we anchored at Harwich
The hardy fishermen of the east coast furnished their share of the fighting power of the fleet of Lord Howard of Effingham. Herring fishing records ought not to be passed over, and at this point an opportunity may be given for a word or two about the “lenten stuff”. A rent of herrings was no uncommon thing at the compilation of Domesday Book; and the Abbey of St. Edmund by the time of the Conqueror received 60,000 herrings a year from Beccles. When Dunwich was made a borough in 1199, amongst its yearly charges was one of 2,400 herrings. Ten years later came King John’s charter to Yarmouth, of so wide a character that Gorleston and Little Yarmouth trembled for their very existence, and carried on a struggle against their powerful neighbours, in which they were finally defeated in 1332. Siric, the ferryman at St. Olave’s in 1272, was paid in bread and herrings, and fourteen years later the service for a charter granted by Edward I. for land at Carlton Colville was twenty-four pasties of fresh herrings. Legislation in 1357 fixed the “hundred” of herrings at six score. Five of these made a cade, and this amount in 1464 formed the payment of one of the Dunwich burgesses.
Active as our people were, their vessels were on too small a scale, and about ten years before the Armada appeared a book (1577), as a pamphlet was then called, by Dr. John Dee, of wizard reputation, generally known as “The British Monarchie”. His scheme, mainly -for a volunteer fleet, to be called the Petty Navy Royal, was developed almost simultaneously by a Buckinghamshire man, named Robert Hitchcock, into what he called a “Politic Plat for the honour of the Prince, the great profit of the public State, etc101. He calculates for the building of four hundred fishing ships, not under seventy tons, after the manner of Flemish Busses, showing that the profit arising from Newfoundland business, as well as from herring, will well repay the lenders of the capital. Altogether the sum of £80,000 was to be raised, of which an eighth part was to come from Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire, to be delivered to certain chief officers at Yarmouth. Ten ports, of which four were in Suffolk; Ipswich, Dunwich, Orford and Aldborough, were to pay during three years £750, being at the rate of £150 for each of five ships to a port. The rate of interest was to be ten per cent., and the principal repaid in three years.
But the project languished, and in 1615 one E.S., the writer of “Britain’s Buss”, could only speak of one of these larger craft launched, though four more were in a forward condition.
The valuable assistance rendered at the time of the Armada by the eastern counties, apart from the vessels over eighty tons, would seem to have come from the numerous smacks and sloops manned by their tough owners and their families and neighbours.
The effect of the Armada remained for the rest of the reign of Elizabeth, and longer still. After the flush of general rejoicings came the sharper looking-up of recusants. There were plenty of them. The Yaxleys seem to have had a taste for going against the stream. Anthony of Upper Rickinghall, in the days of Bishop Nix, had made observations derogatory to pilgrimages, etc., and recanted at Hoxne. He died just about the time of Elizabeth’s accession; and William, perhaps a son, was reported for recusancy in 1586. Ten years afterwards we find John Yaxley in Norwich Castle under an inquisition certified to Chief Justice Popham, at which time there was a general turn out of the disaffected, their estates, degrees, sources of livelihood, abodes if they had any, being recorded, as well as the offers of conference made to them, and any previous convictions. The inquisition dates from December 1, 1595- In Thingoe Hundred there are but three recusants: Thomas Olyver, alias Stone, a physician, his wife Joan, and Robert Tebald, glazier, all of Bury. In Stanningfield there was a more important centre, viz., at Coldham Hall in that parish, a fine old house yet standing, where abode the Rookwoods. Here are reported Robert Rookwood, Esq., his wife Dorothy, his daughter Susan, and his servants “William Tyner, Hosbondman, and Anne Ludbrooke, singlewooman”. Of more consequence it is to note that of the four sons Henry was beyond seas, and of the three others, Ambrose (a wellknown name in the next reign), Christopher, and Robert, it is said that they “be brought vpp, but in what Religion it is not knowne, neyther are they remaineinge wth ther ffather Robt Rookewood”.
Coldham Hall, a truly noble specimen of Elizabethan red brickwork, was built by this Robert Rookwood in 1574. The family was old and honoured. The earliest notice of the name is at Acton in the time of Edward I., and from that time members of the house of Rookwood had discharged the ordinary duties of country gentlemen. A younger branch was established at Euston. Edward Rookwood, of that place, joined with other Roman Catholic gentlemen of the county in protesting their loyalty, and abjuring the Papal power of deposing sovereigns, and received the Queen with all respect during her progress in 1578. In Lodge’s “Illustrations of British History” may be found an account of the remarkable ingratitude of Elizabeth to her entertainer, reminding one strongly of her grandfather’s treatment of the Earl of Oxford. The unhappy man endured divers insults, was fined a large sum, ruined in estate, and imprisoned in Bury Gaol, where he died. Euston was then sold to keep his family from starvation. With this history to encourage him in loyalty, it is not wonderful to find Ambrose Rookwood in a conspicuous place in the next chapter.
At that truly desolate spot, Wangford near Brandon, Mrs. Drewell, wife of Robert Drewell, gent., is named; at Haughley, the Syllyards; at Mellis, the wives of Thomas and Christopher Toftewood; and at Redlingfield, “John Bedingfield, gent., and M’garet hys wyffe, he hath no free Lands, and is of small valewe; he is imprisoned at Ippiswiche, and his goods wer extended to her matie for a Cli“.
Of well-known names, the Martyns of Long Melford, the Mannockes of Stoke-by-Nayland, and the Everards of Linstead may be mentioned. A familiar name occurs at Barking:”Stephen Childerston, al’s Chosen, yeoman, and Agnes his wyffe, verye poore folkes”. This surname, pronounced Chisson, was common enough at Mildenhall in my boyhood.
Dennington was more prolific of recusants than most places, whereas at Bungay and Ipswich there was but one apiece – Anne, wife of Robert Grene, gent., and John Dune, gent. Occasional nameless- personages, distinguished as “vagrants”,” reteyners”,” sudyonners”, give a faint flavour of Jesuits in a concealment more effectual, perchance, than chambers behind panelling or between double walls would have been.
Bishop Scambler died the year before this inquisition, which was carried out by his successor, Dr. William Redman, a native of Great Shelford, in Cambridgeshire, sometime Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and Archdeacon of Canterbury. He was not behindhand in routing out recusant sectaries, of whom only twenty appear in the official lists. Perhaps apparitors and pursuivants were not so keen as their chiefs. Otherwise it is marvellous that all this cumbrous and extravagant machinery should have been put into action on account of the opinions of seven men and thirteen women in Bury, Occold, Framsden, Chattisham, Holbrook, Kenton, Bungay, and Lowestoft. But conformity, like nonconformity, is apt to go off its head. John Thirketell, of Bungay, had gone beyond seas, and Robert Hall, of Kenton, lay in prison at Ipswich, their wives remaining to bear testimony for their opinions, whatever they were worth. That the Queen’s Council, whose agents the bishops had made themselves or had been made, became bewildered at the results of their attempts after unity is manifest. As an eminent Churchman of after-days said, it might become “Unity of opinion in the bond of ignorance, and unity of profession in the bond of hypocrisy”. The good sense of the Suffolk justices revolted at marshalling with the worst malefactors – who would have been ready to subscribe to thirty-nine or any other number of articles – worthy men who had scruples about a ceremony; and their prayer to the Council produced a circular letter to the bishops to moderate the action which the Lords themselves had unduly incited. Notwithstanding this perplexing change of front, two Brownist (or, as they would now be called, Congregational) ministers had been hanged at Bury in 1582 – Mr. Thacker and Mr. Copping. Yet, as we have just seen, their opinions were not extinct three years afterwards.
It is an infinitely weary business, and the world owes but slender gratitude to the worshippers of the Definite, who would punish in this world and hereafter those who are imperfect “in their theory of irregular verbs”, as Carlyle puts it.
Let us end the chapter with something recreative, to wit, William Kemp’s Nine Days’ Wonder (an expression which has become proverbial) performed in a dance from London to Norwich, in February and March, 1600. He started on the first Monday in Lent, February 11, stayed two days at Romford, took his second and third days consecutively to Ingatestone and Chelmsford, got to Braintree a week after his start, and entered Suffolk at Sudbury on Wednesday, February 20. Here a very kind gentleman, Master Foskew (Fortescue?), who had once walked from London to Berwick, gave him good advice about his diet and company, and a lusty tall fellow, a butcher, offered to morrice with him as far as Bury. In a short time the challenger gave in amidst derisive cries from the spectators, a country lass calling out:”Faint-hearted lout! If I had begun to dance, I would have held out one mile, though it had cost my life”. ,At which words many laughed. ” Nay”, saith she, “if the dancer will lend me a leash of his bells, I’ll venture to head one mile with him myself”. And so she did, to Melford, being a mile, in a “piteous heat”, at the end thereof. Kemp’s narrative, as might be expected, is more forcible than elegant, and some “immortal verse” by a”good fellow, my friend” is quite on a par with Kemp’s unvarnished prose. Master Colts, a very kind and worshipful gentleman, entertained the dancer at Melford till the Saturday, whence he proceeded by Clare to Bury. It was a long day’s work, but between Clare and Bury he was received at the house of a bountiful widow of a rich yeoman named Everet. As he entered Bury at one gate, Chief Justice Popham entered at another, and the wondering and regardless multitude made clear way for his honour to gape at the dancer. On Saturday, February 23, fell a great snow, and Kemp did not resume his journey till Friday, the 29th, when he danced over the heaths in grand style, reaching Thetford in about three hours.”I fared”, says he, “like one that had escaped the stocks, and tried the use of his legs to outrun the constable; so light were my heels, that I counted the ten miles no better than a leap”. At Thetford we leave this merry fellow to enjoy the hospitality of Sir Edwin Rich, to pursue his course by Rockland, Hingham, and Barford Bridge to Norwich.
Those who want detail as to the hardship of royal purveyances will know where to find it. Times were hard enough in all respects. On Christmas Day, 1594, the Rector of Halesworth could not thaw his ink to write down the names of his communicants, and the constant apprehension of a repetition of the Spanish Armada cost the parishes large sums for armour, for watching Sizewell Beacon, for the saltpetre monopolist, and for trainings at Bulcamp Heath and elsewhere.
- Cooper, “Athenae Cantabrigienses”, i. 186.
- These pamphlets are in “England’s Garner”, vol. ii., by E. Arber.
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